By Ekaterina Pravilova
“Property rights” and “Russia” don't frequently belong within the related sentence. relatively, our normal photograph of the country is of lack of confidence of personal possession and defenselessness within the face of the country. Many students have attributed Russia’s long term improvement difficulties to a failure to develop estate rights for the trendy age and blamed Russian intellectuals for his or her indifference to the problems of possession. A Public Empire refutes this commonly shared traditional knowledge and analyzes the emergence of Russian estate regimes from the time of Catherine the nice via global conflict I and the revolutions of 1917. most significantly, A Public Empire shows the emergence of the recent practices of possessing “public things” in imperial Russia and the makes an attempt of Russian intellectuals to reconcile the safety of estate with the beliefs of the typical good.
The ebook analyzes how the assumption that definite objects—rivers, forests, minerals, historic monuments, icons, and Russian literary classics—should accede to a couple form of public prestige constructed in Russia within the mid-nineteenth century. specialist specialists and liberal politicians encouraged for a estate reform that geared toward exempting public issues from deepest possession, whereas the tsars and the imperial govt hired the rhetoric of defending the sanctity of personal estate and resisted makes an attempt at its limitation.
Exploring the Russian methods of brooding about estate, A Public Empire looks at difficulties of nation reform and the formation of civil society, which, because the booklet argues, will be rethought as a technique of developing “the public” during the reform of estate rights.
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Additional resources for A Public Empire: Property and the Quest for the Common Good in Imperial Russia
The great tenth-century prince of Rus is both Volodymyr (Ukrainian version) and Vladimir (Russian version). After all, in a sense Volodymyr, according to the Ukrainian tradition the founder of Ukraine-Rus, and Vladimir, according to Russian history the founder of Russia, are different people. I have tried to avoid using the adjective ‘Ukrainian’ or the place-name ‘Ukraine’ (or indeed ‘Russian’ or ‘Russia’) before the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, when the beginnings of modern national identities make them appropriate.
The approach is also, where necessary, reconstructivist. Significant aspects of the past are often now overlooked and need to be written back into the picture. Above all, this concerns the Ukrainian experience of empire, which has been a more or less ever-present factor in Ukrainian life since the sixteenth century at least. Many Ukrainians were quite willing citizens of the Polish Commonwealth and the Habsburg, Romanov and Soviet empires, and this should not be wished away by, ironically, taking too deconstructivist an approach to the history of these lost worlds and disassembling them out of the Ukrainian experience.
Ukraine was more united after the crisis than before. Nationalists tend to see their nation as eternal, as a historical entity since the earliest times. Their history is written as the story of the nation’s trials and triumphs. In reality nations are formed by circumstance and chance. Ukrainians like to talk about the ‘national idea’. Precisely so. Concepts such as ‘nation’ really belong to the realm of political and cultural imaginations. The approach of this book, to use another ugly but fashionable term, is therefore deconstructivist.