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1, d. 1837-47, 1899-1999, 2127-38, 2266-76. '40 Such a claim must not be taken too seriously. State aid ensured subsistence but hardly provided for ease, and it is doubtful whether the peasantry as a whole relied on subsidies so heavily that it consciously manipulated its grain production based on them. The claim may, however, have some credence for the Molochna region. It is striking that the state took no notice of either livestock or gardens when it assessed food reserves in Molochna. To be sure, during the 1821 harvest failure the Molochna region did not receive aid because the uezd nachal'nik took into account garden production, but this was the exception rather than the rule.

28 When disputes arose between the inspector of colonies and either the zemskii ispravnik or the Nogai nachal'nik they were theoretically subject to resolution by the governor general of New Russia, who was officially the superior of the civil governor of Tavria. 29 In addition to the obshchina, volost, and uezd administrative organs, a variety of other regional administrative bodies effected life in Colonization and Administrative Policy 25 Molochna. Uezd-level courts, land survey offices, treasury offices, and procuracies all played a part in running the region.

Where harvests fell below this, settlers were eligible for loans, either of grain or money to buy it. 31 The decree said nothing of how this might be done, or indeed of what constituted a one-year supply. Not surprisingly little came of the initiative. In 1794 there were still no grain depots in Tavria oblast. In that year Catherine ordered the construction of five grain depots: in Simferopol, Karasubazar, Feodosiia, Evpatoriia, and Perekop. 34 After a nearly complete harvest failure in Tavria in 1821 the Senate, observing that earlier decrees had been ignored, reissued detailed instructions for the establishment of grain depots.

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