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By Anita J. Prazmowska

This e-book bargains a revisionist interpretation of British international coverage in the direction of Poland and the position of the Anglo-Polish courting in the course of the interval March-September 1939. It demanding situations and questions hitherto held perspectives at the British choice to safeguard Poland and oppose German growth eastwards. It encompasses a research of international coverage, financial coverage and armed forces making plans. This publication is an important contribution to our wisdom of the outbreak of the battle since it encompasses a specified and unique examine of the function of the Poles in British proposals for an jap entrance and the Polish belief in their dating with Germany. ultimately the inconclusive nature of British methods to the Soviet Union and the Rumanian govt are placed into the context of the abortive idea for an jap entrance opposed to Germany.

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Sample text

Germany, though ostensibly still supporting Poland's anti-Czechoslovak policy, had recognised that the growth of Polish influence in Europe could be in its consequences just as well an ti-Soviet as it could be an ti-German. 31 Italy had on the whole encouraged Poland and other South East European states in their independent policies because of her own apprehensions over German long-term aims in that region. '32 Subsequently, Italian support for Poland was abandoned in face of German disapproval.

To Poland this development was of twofold importance. First, growing German influence in Roumania and Hungary prevented Poland from establishing herself as an independent power in Central and South Eastern Europe. This exposed the failure of Beck's policy of balancing between Germany and the Soviet Union. Henceforth relations in that region would be directed from Berlin and this fact was openly acknowledged in European capitals. Germany, though ostensibly still supporting Poland's anti-Czechoslovak policy, had recognised that the growth of Polish influence in Europe could be in its consequences just as well an ti-Soviet as it could be an ti-German.

At the same time there was a feeling that recognition of German economic interest in Central and South Eastern Europe could be used as a bargaining point in return for a German commitment to a European peace. Britain would thereby be giving way on an issue of little consequence to her and obtaining in return an important assurance from Germany which it was the major aim of British foreign policy to achieve. French, British and Italian acquiescence to the secession of the Sudeten region was accompanied by an agreement that Polish and Hungarian claims on Czechoslovakia too should be satisfied.

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