By Anne Nivat, Susan Darnton
Author note: Susan Darnton (Translator)
Publish 12 months note: First released April fifth 2001
Two years in the past, while she was once thirty years previous, Anne Nivat made up our minds to work out first-hand what battle used to be all approximately. Russia had simply introduced its moment brutal crusade opposed to Chechnya. And notwithstanding the Russians strictly forbade Westerners from protecting the conflict, the aspiring French journalist made up our minds she may go.
There are very actual hazards in Chechnya: being arrested via the Russians and being abducted by way of the Chechens. Nivat strapped her satellite tv for pc cell to her stomach, disguised herself within the apparel of a Chechen peasant, and sneaked around the border. She chanced on a tender advisor, Islam, to guide her illegally in the course of the battle quarter. for 6 months they the conflict, traveling with underground rebels and snoozing with Chechen households or in deserted constructions. Anne trembled via air raids; walked via deserted killing fields; and helped within the halls of bloody hospitals. She interviewed insurgent leaders, govt officers, younger widows, and offended combatants, and she or he mentioned every little thing again to France. Her experiences in Libération resulted in antiwar demonstrations open air the Russian embassy in Paris.
Anne's phrases movement. they aren't florid, yet terse, cool, dramatic. greater than only a battle correspondent's document, Chienne de Guerre is a relocating tale of fight and self-discovery—the adventures of 1 younger lady who again and again exams her personal actual and mental limits within the tremendous risky and tense surroundings of conflict.
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Additional resources for Chienne de Guerre: A Woman Reporter Behind the Lines of the War in Chechnya
Narodniki faced the task of self-justification and self-assertion. They had to cover up the abyss of mutual misunderstanding . . and prove to themselves that ‘progressive ideas’ had not been rejected by the deprived peasants, but were still being digested. Therefore educated people needed to work harder to assist the process. (Confino, 1973: 125) Orlov (2002) views the intelligentsia as an element of political mythology. He also considers the marginal strata of raznochintsy as the creators of the myth; however, he gives a different explanation for their interests in myth making.
Tchujkina gives an elaborate account of how, in the early years of the Soviet Republic, the ideas of the old and the newly emerged intelligentsia often clashed. Social origins and social status of those who could be related to the new Soviet intelligentsia were so diverse that the term became a formality and social identifications occurred according to different criteria. On the contrary, the community of the ‘old intelligentsia’ had clearly defined boundaries, which were constantly renegotiated.
This view is also supported by Orlov (2002) who shows how, in pursuing the task of positive self-identification, various political groups in Russian history have appropriated the myth and provided it with specific criteria (social–ethical for narodniki, class-based for Marxists). The only stable element of the myth was that intelligentsia was seen as the best part of society (by narodniki) or the best part of class (by Marxists). The homonymic nature and vigour of the intelligentsia concept is a really striking phenomenon.