By By (author) L. Britt Snider
It is a learn of the CIA's dating with Congress. It encompasses the interval from the production of the supplier until eventually 2004 - the period of the DCIs. while Congress created a brand new place in December 2004 - the director of nationwide intelligence - to supersede the director of vital intelligence (DCI) as head of the USA Intelligence neighborhood, it inevitably replaced the dynamic among the CIA and the Congress. whereas the director of the corporation might proceed to symbolize its pursuits on Capitol Hill, she or he could now not communicate because the head folks intelligence. whereas 2008 is just too early to evaluate how this variation will impact the Agency's dating with Congress, it truly is secure to claim it is going to by no means be fairly a similar.
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Extra resources for Congress and the CIA (Intelligence and Counterintelligence Studies Series)
But by the time the committee had finished its work, relations between the committee and its staff and the Agency’s own staff had considerably improved. Moreover, its final report, issued in April 1976, proved to be far more balanced from the Agency’s standpoint than much of its investigative work. 119 On the subject of the existing oversight arrangements within Congress, the committee found that the awareness of the Agency’s overseers had been extremely limited, allowing many of the abuses identified by the committee to occur.
It was also considered at other points along the way, notably when John McCone became DCI and was confronted with the same issue. Each internal reexamination, however, always resulted in the same position: vehement opposition to a joint committee. The model that both the reformers and the CIA had to work with in these early days provides part of the explanation. Congress had created the Joint Atomic Energy Committee (JAEC) in 1946 to be its watchdog over the US atomic energy program, which, like the CIA, was considered a sensitive area for congressional oversight.
Lesser committees could not have done it, nor would ordinary rank-and-file members have had the wherewithal to push through such increases, especially for a new, largely unproven agency. The Agency also benefited from the fact that its subcommittees were remarkably free of partisanship during this period. The chairmen and ranking minority members of its subcommittees, by and large, worked closely together, usually reaching agreement easily on the Agency’s resource needs and refusing the temptation to make political “hay” of its operational or analytical failures even after they had become public.